Thursday, February 28, 2013

ONE PEOPLE’S [PREPOSTEROUS] PUBLIC TRUST

by AL Whitney (C) copyright 2013
Permission is granted for redistribution if linked to original and the AntiCorruption Society is acknowledged
The Oglobal greedne People’s Public Trust (OPPT) has recently been presented to a relatively small – but well informed – group as the “perfected superior trust”. All those involved (as participants and as observers) are concerned with the growing effort by the Global Elite Scum of the Earth to create a one world government (OWG), with themselves in charge, of course. Lots of good people are hopeful that this trust would put a stop to the rapidly advancing fascist one world government plan.
On 2-15-13 one of the OPPT trustees, Attorney Heather Ann Tucci-Jarraf explained this recently established trust that supposedly encompasses the entire planet, including all life and all land. Yes, the entire planet, including all life and all land! Here is a short audio clip of Heather making her claims while exposing the Rothschild connection: OPPT – Heather – land owners
Many wise and savvy people are suspicious that this ‘plan’ was orchestrated from behind the scenes by the Rothschild Dynasty as part of an overarching Agenda 21 (Future Earth) strategy. Other wise and savvy people are wondering whether this Trust was structured as a solution to the MERS property ‘title’ mess – that resulted from the bankster’s creation and sale of Mortgage Backed Securities.
It is extremely important that we all remain skeptical of any and all so-called ‘solutions’. Back in 1969 a NWO insider exposed their plans. He told a group of physicians that a methodology NWO architects commonly use is THE REAL AND THE STATED GOALS:
“Everything has two purposes. One is the ostensible purpose which will make it acceptable to people and second is the real purpose which would further the goals of establishing the new system.”
Please Note
It is not my intention to insult or cause harm to good people seeking real solutions to the corruption and control The Money Monsters have been able to create. Unfortunately, one of the goals The Money Monsters have been able to achieve is to thwart our ability to think critically.  And now – more than ever – we need to redevelop that skill. Critical analysis of any and all proposed solutions has never been more important than it is right now. There is no Santa Claus and you can’t “feel” your way through complex issues.
http://anticorruptionsociety.com/2013/02/25/one-peoples-preposterous-public-trust/
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Wednesday, February 27, 2013

OPPT & SLAVERY THROUGH INTELLECTUAL CONSCRIPTION BY DECEIT PART ONE LOVE FOR LIFE ARTHUR CRISTIAN


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BREAKING NEWS "THE DOWNFALL OF THE VATICAN THE QUEEN & THE SYSTEM"


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ESTATES OF THE REALM

Estates of the realm were the broad divisions of a hierarchically conceived society, usually distinguishing nobility, clergy, and commoners recognized in the Middle Ages and in Early Modern Europe. While various realms inverted the order of the first two, commoners were universally tertiary, and often further divided into burghers (also known as bourgeoisie) and peasants; in some regions, there also was a population outside the estates. An estate was usually inherited and based on occupation, similar to a caste.
Legislative bodies or advisory bodies to a monarch were traditionally grouped along lines of these estates, with the monarch above all three estates. Meetings of the estates of the realm became early legislative and judicial parliaments (see The States). Monarchs often sought to legitimize their power by requiring oaths of fealty from the estates.

Estates in the Kingdom of France



Main article: Ancien Régime in France France under the Ancien Régime (before the French Revolution) divided society into three estates: the First Estate (clergy); the Second Estate (nobility); and the Third Estate (commoners). The king was considered part of no estate.
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The First Estate (Fr. premier état) was the clergy.

First Estate

The First Estate comprised the entire clergy, traditionally divided into "higher" and "lower" clergy. Although there was no formal demarcation between the two categories, the upper clergy were, effectively, clerical nobility, from the families of the Second Estate. In the time of Louis XVI, every bishop in France was a nobleman, a situation that had not existed before the 18th century.[1] At the other extreme, the "lower clergy" ( about equally divided between parish priests and monks and nuns) constituted about 90 percent of the First Estate, which in 1789 numbered around 130,000 (about 0.5% of the population).

Second Estate

The Second Estate (Fr. deuxieme état) was the French nobility and (technically, though not in common use) royalty, other than the monarch himself who, stood outside of the system of estates.
The Second Estate is traditionally divided into "noblesse de robe" ("nobility of the robe"), the magisterial class that administered royal justice and civil government, and "noblesse d'épée" ("nobility of the sword").
The Second Estate constituted approximately 1.5% of France's population.[citation needed] Under the ancien régime, the Second Estate were exempt from the corvée royale (forced labour on the roads) and from most other forms of taxation such as the gabelle (salt tax) and most important, the taille (the oldest form of direct taxation). This exemption from paying taxes led to their reluctance to reform.

Third Estate

The Third Estate was the generality (or the statement) of people which were not part of the other estates.
The Third Estate comprised all those not members of the above and can be divided into two groups, urban and rural. The urban included the bourgeoisie 8% of France's population, as well as wage-laborers (such as craftsmen). The rural includes the peasantry, or the farming class (about 90% of the population). The Third Estate includes some of what would now be considered middle class—e.g., the budding town bourgeoisie. What united the Third Estate is that most had little or no wealth and yet were forced to pay disproportionately high taxes to the other Estates.

The French Estates General

See main articles French Estates General, Estates General of 1789
The first Estates General (not to be confused with a "class of citizen") was actually a general citizen assembly that was called by Philip IV in 1302.
In the period leading up to the Estates General of 1789, France was in the grip of an unmanageable public debt and terrible inflation and food scarcity. This led to widespread popular discontent and produced a group of third estate representatives pressing a comparatively radical set of reforms - much of it in alignment with the goals of finance minister Jacques Necker but very much against the wishes of Louis XVI's court and many of the hereditary nobles forming the second estate. Louis sought to dissolve the estates general after they refused to accept his agenda, but the third estate held out for their right to representation. The lower clergy (and some nobles and upper clergy) eventually sided with the third estate, and the king was forced to yield. The States-General was reconstituted first as the National Assembly (June 17, 1789) and then as the National Constituent Assembly (July 9, 1789), a unitary body composed of the former representatives of the three estates.

Britain

England

The canonical three estates of France were never more than theoretically applied in England, where they never had the force of law, facilitating the climb from a low estate to a high position in the king's service and a noble title. Huizinga detected the common conception of divine institution that linked the idea of estates:
There are, first of all, the estates of the realm, but there are also the trades, the state of matrimony and that of virginity, the state of sin. At court there are the 'four estates of the body and mouth': bread-masters, cup-bearers, carvers, and cooks. In the Church there are sacerdotal orders and monastic orders. Finally there are the different orders of chivalry.

Scotland

The members of the parliament of Scotland were collectively referred to as the Three Estates (Older Scots: Thre Estaitis), also known as the community of the realm, and until 1690 composed of:
The First Estate was overthrown during the Glorious Revolution and the accession of William II.[1] The Second Estate was then split into two to retain the division into three.
From the 16th century, the second estate was reorganised by the selection of Shire Commissioners: this has been argued to have created a fourth estate. During the 17th century, after the Union of the Crowns, a fifth estate of royal office holders (see Lord High Commissioner to the Parliament of Scotland) has been identified as well. These latter identifications remain highly controversial among parliamentary historians. Regardless, the term used for the assembled members continued to be 'the Three Estates'.
A Shire Commissioner was the closest equivalent of the English office of Member of Parliament, namely a commoner or member of the lower nobility. Because the parliament of Scotland was unicameral, all members sat in the same chamber, as opposed to the separate English House of Lords and House of Commons.
The Parliament also had University constituencies (see Ancient universities of Scotland). The system was also adopted by the Parliament of England when James VI ascended to the English throne. It was believed that the universities were affected by the decisions of Parliament and ought therefore to have representation in it. This continued in the Parliament of Great Britain after 1707 and the Parliament of the United Kingdom until 1950.

In Sweden and Finland

The Estates in Sweden (including Finland) and later also the Finland were the two higher estates nobility, clergy and the two lower estates burghers and land-owning peasants. Each were free men, and had specific rights and responsibilities, and the right to send representatives to the governing assembly, the Riksdag of the Estates in Sweden and Diet of Finland (after being conquered by Russia in 1809), respectively. Also, there was a population outside the estates; unlike in other areas, people had no "default" estate, and were not peasants unless they came from a land-owner's family. A summary of this division is:
  • Nobility (see Finnish nobility and Swedish nobility) was exempt from tax, had an inherited rank and the right to keep a fief, and had a tradition of military service and government. Nobility was established in 1279 with the Swedish king granted tax-free status (frälse) to peasants who could equip a cavalryman (or be one themselves) in the king's army. Initially, exemption from tax was not inherited, but it became hereditary in 1544. Following Axel Oxenstierna's reform, government positions were open only to nobles. However, the nobility still owned only their own property, not the peasants or their land as in much of Europe. Heads of the noble houses were hereditary members of the assembly of nobles. The Nobility is divided into titled nobility (counts and barons) and lower nobility. Until the 18th century the lower nobility was in turn was divided into Knights and Esquires such that each of the three classes would first vote internally, giving one vote per class in the assembly. This resulted in great political influence for the higher nobility.
  • Clergy, or priests, were exempt from tax, and collected tithes for the church. After the Reformation, the church became Lutheran. In later centuries, the estate included teachers of universities and certain state schools. The estate was governed by the state church which consecrated its ministers and appointed them to positions with a vote in choosing diet representatives.
  • Burghers are city-dwellers, tradesmen and craftsmen. Trade was allowed only in the cities when the mercantilistic ideology had got the upper hand, and the burghers had the exclusive right to conduct commerce. Entry to this Estate is controlled by the autonomy of the towns themselves. Peasants were allowed to sell their produce within the city limits, but any further trade, particularly foreign trade, was allowed only for burghers. In order for a settlement to become a city, a royal charter granting market right was required, and foreign trade required royally chartered staple port rights. After the annexation of Finland into Imperial Russia in 1809, mill-owners and other proto-industrialists would gradually be included in this estate.
  • Peasants are land-owners of land-taxed farms and their families, which represented the majority in medieval times. Since most of the population were independent farmer families until 19th century, not serfs nor villeins, there is a remarkable difference in tradition compared to other European countries. Entry was controlled by ownership of farmland, which was not generally for sale but a hereditary property. After 1809, tenants renting a large enough farm (ten times larger than what was required of peasants owning their own farm) were included as well as non-nobility owning tax-exempt land.
  • To no estate belonged propertyless cottagers, villeins, tenants of farms owned by others, farmhands, servants, some lower administrative workers, rural craftsmen, travelling salesmen, vagrants, and propertyless and unemployed people (who sometimes lived in strangers' houses). To reflect how the people belonging to the estates saw them, the Finnish word for "obscene", säädytön, has the literal meaning "estateless".
In Sweden, the Riksdag of the Estates existed until it was replaced with a bicameral Riksdag in 1866, which gave political rights to anyone with a certain income or property. Nevertheless, many of the leading politicians of the 19th century continued to be drawn from the old estates, in that they were either noblemen themselves, or represented agricultural and urban interests. Ennoblements continued even after the estates had lost their political importance, with the last ennoblement of explorer(Sven Hedin) taking place in 1902; this practice was formally abolished with the adoption of the new Constitution 1.1.1975, while the status of the House of Nobility continued to be regulated in law until 2003.
In Finland, this legal division existed until the modern age. However, at the start of the 20th century, most of the population did not belong to any Estate and had no political representation. A particularly large class were the rent farmers, who did not own the land they cultivated, but had to work in the land-owner's farm to pay their rent. (Unlike Russia, there were no slaves or serfs.) Furthermore, the industrial workers living in the city were not represented by the four-estate system. The political system was reformed, and the last Diet was dissolved in 1905, to create the modern parliamentary system, ending the political privileges of the estates. The constitution of 1919 forbade giving new noble ranks, and all tax privileges were abolished in 1920. The privileges of the estates were officially and finally abolished in 1995,[2] although in legal practice, the privileges had long been unenforceable. However, the nobility has never been officially abolished and records of nobility are still voluntarily maintained by the Finnish House of Nobility.
Nevertheless, the old traditions and in particular ownership of property changed slowly, and the rent-farmer problem became so severe that it was a major cause to the Finnish Civil War. Although the division became irrelevant following the establishment of a parliamentary democracy and political parties, industrialization and urbanization, it might be possible to claim that their traditions live on in the political parties of Sweden and Finland, in the sense that there are parties that have traditionally represented upper-class and business interests (Moderate Party and Coalition Party) and farmers (the Centre Parties of Sweden and Finland).[citation needed]
In Finland, it is still illegal and punishable by jail time (up to one year) to defraud into marriage by declaring a false name or estate (Rikoslaki 18 luku § 1/Strafflagen 18 kap. § 1).

In the Holy Roman Empire

The Holy Roman Empire had the Imperial Diet (Reichstag). The clergy was represented by the independent prince-bishops, prince-archbishops and prince-abbots of the many monasteries. The nobility consisted of independent aristocratic rulers: secular prince-electors, kings, dukes, margraves, counts and others. Burghers consisted of representatives of the independent imperial cities. Many peoples whose territories within the Holy Roman Empire had been independent for centuries had no representatives in the Imperial Diet, and this included the Imperial Knights and independent villages. The power of the Imperial Diet was limited, despite efforts of centralization.
Large realms of the nobility or clergy had estates of their own that could wield great power in local affairs. Power struggles between ruler and estates were comparable to similar events in the history of the British and French parliaments.
The Swabian League, a significant regional power in its part of Germany during the 15th Century, also had its own kind of Estates, a governing Federal Council comprising three Colleges: those of Princes, Cities, and Knights.

In the Russian Empire

In late Russian Empire the estates were called sosloviyes. The four major estates were: nobility (dvoryanstvo), clergy, rural dwellers, and urban dwellers, with a more detailed stratification therein. The division in estates was of mixed nature: traditional, occupational, as well as formal: for example, voting in Duma was carried out by estates. Russian Empire Census recorded the reported estate of a person.

In Catalonia

The Parliament of Catalonia (Corts Catalanes) was established in 1283, according to American historian Thomas Bisson, and it has been considered by several historians as a model of medieval parliament. For instance, English historian of constitutionalism Charles Howard McIlwain wrote that the Parliament of Catalonia, during the 14th century, had a more defined organization and met more regularly than the parliaments of England or France.[3]
The roots of the parliament institution in Catalonia stem from the Sanctuary and Truce Assemblies (assemblees de pau i treva) that started on the 11th century. The members of the parliament of Catalonia were organized in the Three Estates (Catalan: Tres Braços):
  • the "military estate" (braç militar) with representatives of the feudal nobility
  • the "ecclesiastical estate" (braç eclesiàstic) with representatives of the religious hierarchy
  • the "royal estate" (braç reial) with representatives of the free municipalities under royal privilege
The parliament institution was abolished in 1716, together with the rest of institutions of Catalonia, after the War of the Spanish Succession.
http://encyclopedia.thefreedictionary.com/Estates+of+the+realm
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KING v. JONES ; McEWEN v. HACKERT ; JONES v. JONES. (1972) 128 CLR 221

Barwick C.J.(1), McTiernan(2), Menzies(3), Walsh(4), Gibbs(5) and Stephen(6)JJ.
QUOTE
Barwick C.J.(1)10. There are some basic propositions of constitutional construction which are beyond controversy. The words of the Constitution are to be read in that natural sense they bore in the circumstances of their enactment by the Imperial Parliament in 1900. That meaning remains, beyond the reach of any Australian Parliament, subject only to alteration by the means provided bys.128 of the Constitution. The connotation of words employed in the Constitution does not change though changing events and attitudes may in some circumstances extend the denotation or reach of those words. These propositions are fully documented in the reported decisions of this Court which has the task of finally and authoritatively deciding both the connotation and the denotation of the language of the Constitution. (at p229)

MORE POWERS, FEWER RIGHTS

Published: February 26, 2013
THEY can compel you to hand over evidence. You can be forced to answer questions in secret hearings and then prohibited from telling anyone about it. You may not be a suspect, but if you fail to comply you risk a long spell in jail.
These are coercive powers. Who has them? A surprisingly long list of federal and state agencies do.
Among the most powerful is the Australian Crime Commission, which made headlines with its report on doping and criminal links to sport. Chief executive John Lawler says the ACC used its ''full suite of powers'' for this, including more than 30 coercive interrogations in secret.
So why aren't any prosecutions under way? ''The purpose of such an operation is not to make arrests,'' Lawler told a Senate estimates hearing after the report's release this month. ''The purpose is to understand the threat, risk and vulnerabilities [in sport].''
Malcolm Stewart, vice-president of the Rule of Law Institute of Australia, says the commission is ''the most secretive body in Australia'' after the spy agencies. Yet, he says, it released a report based on incomplete investigations and untested intelligence. ''I can only describe that report as a smear on sport in Australia.''
The question some people are asking is whether the results of the ACC investigation justify the use of coercive powers, such as denying someone the right to silence.
In the last parliamentary sitting year, another eight Commonwealth acts were passed that nullify that right, according to the Institute of Public Affairs.
Stewart says rule of law principles are not adhered to as much as they have been in the past. ''You see this massive spread of powers governments are giving themselves.''
How draconian are Australia's security laws? Stewart is blunt: ''We are the worst in the [Western] world.''
The Rule of Law Institute was set up in 2009 in response to the growth of agencies' powers ''in what we thought was an uncontrolled way'', Stewart says.
For example, he says, at one time state agencies had to prove a person was guilty before they could take punitive action. Now, in many circumstances, that person must prove they have not done anything wrong.
The reversal of the onus of proof began with the Tax Office and has spread to employment and unfair dismissal laws, occupational health, ''unexplained wealth'' seizure powers, and anti-discrimination legislation.
Chris Berg, an IPA research fellow, says: ''Regulators have just been thrown these extra powers that used to be the purview of law-enforcement agencies - powers that are often greater than police have.''
As coercive powers spread, the integrity of the rule of law is being discussed more frequently in legal circles. In several cases, the judiciary has ruled against measures that offend the rule of law, such as new laws on bikie gangs that restrict freedom of association and movement.
These laws have elements of the control orders adopted as anti-terrorism measures in Britain in 2005. Britain is bound by the European Convention on Human Rights and had to repeal the law. In Australia, such measures spread, ''with no protections as apply in the UK'', says Stewart. ''In the US, too, you have a much greater focus through the Bill of Rights on explicit legal rights.'' US agencies, for instance, are constitutionally bound to show probable cause to get search warrants.
As early as 2000, a Senate report found several Australian agencies had greater entry-and-search powers than the federal police. In 2001, the September 11 atrocities triggered a rush to boost the powers of security and law-enforcement agencies. Federal and state parliaments have passed about 50 anti-terrorist laws, the Law Council of Australia estimates.
ASIO, in particular, was transformed from a pure intelligence agency to one that can detain and interrogate anyone in secret. Some of its powers have rarely or never been used. Because of the risks of abuse, says Stewart, ''If powers have been used in circumstances that were not intended or if they simply have not been used, they should simply be removed.''
Similarly, organised crime and gangland violence have been invoked to justify having state crime and corruption commissions with the powers of a royal commission.
Joe Catanzariti, president of the Law Council of Australia, says it has long been concerned by the impact of coercive powers, especially when not limited to the most serious and complex cases. And many agencies' powers have little to do with terrorism or organised crime.
A 2008 Administrative Review Council inquiry into six federal agencies' coercive powers notes those agencies are responsible for revenue collecting (Tax Office), revenue spending (Centrelink and Medicare) and corporate regulation (Australian Securities and Investments Commission, the Australian Prudential Regulation Authority and the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission).
Other federal bodies with coercive powers include the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions, the Australian Commission for Law Enforcement Integrity, the Commonwealth Ombudsman, and the Immigration Department.
The Howard government's Australian Building and Construction Commission had great power over industry workers, while the ACC's powers were extended to indigenous violence and child abuse. Even the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission has some coercive powers, as does the new Clean Energy Regulator.
In Victoria, roughly one person a week has given evidence in secret hearings before the Chief Examiner (an independent office created in 2004 during gangland wars). Police can trigger the compulsory process by satisfying the Supreme Court other approaches have been exhausted.
Although admissions cannot be used directly in court, the use of leads that result is a grey area. The power to jail those who remain silent and then bring them back for questioning under threat of more jail time has been used.
Other state agencies with coercive powers include Victoria's Office of Police Integrity and its successor, the anti-corruption commission (IBAC), the Victorian Ombudsman and the Auditor-General.
Another development is the widespread sharing of information obtained by coercive means. New changes in the law allow the ACC to share its intelligence with police forces, customs, state crime commissions, government departments and private companies.
Civil Liberties Australia opposed the changes, describing the ACC as Australia's answer to the FBI and CIA, whose ''history of abuse'' sounded the alarm on sharing secret intelligence.
But others, such as Australian Olympic Committee chief John Coates, believe the Australian Sports Anti-Doping Authority's access to intelligence does not go far enough and want ASADA to be able to compel witnesses to give evidence.
Adding to civil libertarians' concerns is the lack of checks and balances on coercive powers. Their use does not even necessarily require court approval. The crime commission's board, for instance, authorises its use of special powers.
In 2002, as the ACC was being set up, the former chairman of the National Crime Authority, John Broome, warned a parliamentary committee the new governance structure institutionalised the ability of police to draw on ''fishing expeditions'' for intelligence and evidence.
The ACC board is chaired by the Australian Federal Police head and includes state and territory police chiefs whose own forces cannot compel suspects and witnesses to co-operate. The rest of the 15 board members lead agencies with coercive powers: the ASIC chairperson, the ASIO director-general of security, the ATO commissioner, customs chief executive and crime commission chief (a non-voting member). Every one, except for the secretary of the Attorney-General's Department, has an interest in the material turned up by coercive powers.
Civil liberties and legal groups say coercive powers are becoming a regular tool, which is eroding the common law right to remain silent.
Federal surveillance laws are even used by local councils, which have access to residents' mobile phone records over matters as trifling as unregistered pets, and Australia Post, which made 772 metadata requests in three years to June last year. The requests are self-authorised.
''There's no bureaucracy that doesn't want more powers,'' Berg says.
Coercive powers are rarely reduced, he says, and the more agencies have them, the greater the risks of abuse, especially when they are independent agencies cut off from traditional lines of ministerial and parliamentary responsibility. Stewart says it's hard to assess the uses of the powers, which are neglected in most agencies' annual reports. Even when abuses come to light, the righting of wrongs is rarely adequate. Secrecy provisions applied to an inquiry into the wrongful detention of Indian doctor Mohamed Haneef for 12 days in 2007 meant the exact roles of the AFP and federal DPP were never made public.
Just over two years ago, the Australian National Audit Office found that, in every one of 113 audited cases, Centrelink breached government investigation standards to extract information from people.
Actor Paul Hogan's battle with the Tax Office triggered a dawn raid on his financial adviser's home by 10 armed AFP officers. Hogan was barred from leaving the country when he was not charged with any offence.
Only in response to parliamentary questions on notice did the then Australian Building and Construction Commission admit it had relied on 203 defective notices to attend compulsory interviews, thus unlawfully forcing 203 workers to appear before it to give evidence in secret and without legal representation.
Corporate regulator ASIC can also compel people to answer questions under oath in private hearings in which rules of evidence and privilege against self-incrimination may not apply. In late 2010, then ASIC chairman Tony D'Aloisio confirmed in Senate estimates that coercive powers had been used 18,625 times in three years. Only then, in return for greater wire-tapping powers and access to phone records, did ASIC agree to improve its annual reporting.
ASIC's record is patchy when it comes under scrutiny. In one case, the judges even questioned the regulator's motives for its vigorous pursuit of Andrew Forrest's mining company Fortescue.
As Berg observes, the chipping away at the rule of law is happening at both ends of the ideological spectrum: a case can be made to control union thuggery as easily as for corporate skulduggery.
''The real worry is that governments are able to paint various sectors as obvious bad guys,'' he says. The public forgets the rule of law serves to ''protect the innocent''.
Stewart also blames political ''auctions over law and order'' for fuelling the growth of an ''incredible swath of legislation in this country''.
Berg says the ACC report has been ''a bit of a wake-up call to a lot of people'' and he hopes the ''extraordinarily aggressive intrusion on the liberties of sportspeople'' may be a turning point.
Might the spread of coercive powers now get more attention, or even be halted? ''We know that powers do get rolled back, but first there has to be substantial public pressure on politicians to do so,'' Berg says.
John Watson is a senior writer.
This story was found at: http://www.theage.com.au/national/more-powers-fewer-rights-20130225-2f1zj.html
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Tuesday, February 26, 2013

STEPHEN HARPER - THE CANADIAN PUBLIC DON'T CARE I BROKE THE LAW


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